The Role of a City Councillor
While living near Vancouver BC in 2004, I walked by a demonstration by the Canadian Students for Darfur. The ensuing deep dive into the politics revealed the depth and intertwined relationship between Canada and the Sudanese government that genocided the Indigenous peoples of Darfur to access the oil under the land. In 1998, Canada’s oil company Talisman became involved with Sudan, with the following year showing a significant escalation of conflict and displacement (Human Rights Watch, 2003). Talisman pulled out of Sudan in 2002 due to Canadian national pressure, and the genocide was thought to be over in 2005.
2023 saw the beginning of a new genocide. The Canadian government prides itself on donating $53.4 million to Sudan (Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. (2025). My recent meeting of a refugee who was mixed Sudanese and Eritrean, led me to ask: What is the process of disabled refugees to enter Canada? What are the supports that we offer to refugees fleeing from Genocides? With Bill C2 and Bill 12 gaining traction in Parliament for immigration and asylum seekers, the expectations for the above questions felt bleak. I will explore the Canadian government’s complacency in the violence against persons with disabilities while they are living in refugee camps, institutionalized as survivors, and face the continual violence of the neoliberal agenda.
Living with Disabilities in Refugee Camps
It’s hard to imagine the violence against people with disabilities in the former Kingdom of Kush, Sudan, after it gained its independence from Britain and Egyptian colonization in 1956. The Independence movement eventually led to the introduction of the Persons with Disability National Act in 2017, offering rights, privileges, facilities, and exemptions in society.
According to a 2008 census, there were 1,854,985 people living with disabilities in Sudan, three years after genocide in Darfur ended. War intensifies disability rates as is combined with the destruction of necessary infrastructure to prevent and treat impairments (Salah, 2025). Life is difficult for those living with disabilities, as fleeing from militia for safety could take twice as long as their non-disabled counterparts. (Kett & Trani, 2010) There are reports that the dehumanization of this population includes Rapid Support Forces (RSF), shooting mentally disabled people on the spot (30+ People With Disabilities Detained Amid Sudan War, 2024). The previous receivers of Zakat (“giving to the needs” in Arabic), people with disabilities are no longer able to access their traditional supports once in camps. It is possible they may receive help from family members, although it could put these members in danger (Kett & Trani, 2010). Advocates are sharing their struggles- specialized services such as rehabilitation, prosthetic devices, hearing aids, canes, and even sign language interpretation have been destroyed since the fighting began. The situation in the refugee camps have proven to be inadequate spaces for disabled people, as there are limited toilets, leading survivors into degrading acts (30+ People With Disabilities Detained Amid Sudan War, 2024). Local Disabled Peoples Organizations were employed to assist, although they are often under-staffed, overstretched, and under-resourced (Kett & Trani, 2010).
People with disabilities are often left in camps or temporary settlements for years after non-disabled residents have left. If one is to return to their home, they would have to rebuild. To integrate with another community leaves the potential of discrimination and exclusions. Resettlement means caps on treatments and expenses (Trani, 2010). Women are often marginalized as they take on the burden as caregivers, working with lack of water, sanitary pads, or diapers. (Salah, 2025)
Threats to the understanding of personhood exist for disabled people in times of war while in a transition, and are vulnerable to be folded into the background of the nation-state, as it works towards normalcy. For displaced people who exist “out of place” of normalcy, they are confined to a “human warehouse”. (Mirza, 2014).
Canada is a state which reaps the benefit of keeping populations in a space of continual and perpetual injury, as it creates an easier narrative that disability is due to an individual’s responsibility, rather than the oppressive system that disables the individual. Disability rights and discord protects wealthy, disabled people, as opposed to the injustices of the war machine that produces the vast majority of disability (Pitters, 2022). If Canada is to work within a Human Rights intention that protects and supports people with disabilities, it will be necessary to proceed with the Disability Justice framework and oppose war, militarism, imperial violence and debilitation (Pitters, 2022).
Institutionalization of survivors
Canada’s official response to the genocide in Sudan online starts with a travel advisory, then further into tips and information offered by the government of Sudan about the different regions, and what to avoid (Government of Canada, 2025). Exploring the various pages for Special Immigration feels difficult as a native English reader who isn’t directly involved with the conflict, let alone the challenges for a non-English person trying to come.
Canada has approved 14,609 Sundanese permanent residence, while the number for temporary residents is 5,292. It is notable that the “Family-based permanent residence pathway for people affected by the conflict in Sudan” and new applications for “Canadian citizens and permanent residents” are currently closed, although there are several forms to apply for status extensions if you are already in Canada. For refugees wanting to come to Canada, the “Groups of five and community sponsors” is closed, so the approved “Sponsorship Agreement Holders” (new SAH applications are closed), and “Government-assisted refugees” are the only pathways that I could find still open.
The process of resettling into Canada involves registering with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), or another referring body. In 2011, there were 42.5 million people around the world who have been forcibly displaced, which that number is sure to have expanded since then. Prior to WWII, eastern Europeans displaced by the wars were viewed as “agents of democracy”, expecting to integrate with their asylum countries (Mirza, 2014). The modern refugee camps were developed during large-scale displacements from Asia and Africa, and currently spark social and economic development through creating local jobs of various services (Mirza, 2014). This process allows the displaced people to stay in localized countries, and keep away from the developed donor countries. This is easier for donors to financially manage, as reserved funds are already marked for emergency and development aid. This highly competitive industry had risen to $11.2 billion by 2010 (Mirza, 2014).
In 2016, my friend drove me through Lebanon, passing several refugee camps. I was taught that they have been there since the Nakba, and even though some people had lived in the country for their entire lives, they were not permitted to gain citizenship which meant no medical help, no school, and no jobs. My friend in Jordan told me that it was not the case there, as citizenship was offered immediately. The situation in Lebanon was eye opening, as this country of 5 million people, was already host to over 30% refugees (including from Asia and Africa), and more were entering daily from Syria. I had met one refugee from Iraq who had been waiting to come to Canada for over five years- registered with the UNHCR, and asking me to help him come to Canada. Years later, I visited my MP’s office and shared that story, with a responsive “Oh yeah, none of us have been to those places”, referring to a second, or third destination country where a person would flee to and register with the UNHCR, before they could come here.
Refugee camps exist as a “temporary” measure, outside of their host countries with an enclosure resembling prison or mental institutions (Mirza, 2014). These segregations have dehumanizing consequences which push inhabitants further into marginalization. It can be inferred that a displacement camp can exist as an example of an institution, as they align with rigorous social structures, theories, and concrete practices (Carlson, 2015). Modern refugee camps exist in design principles of the 1920s, based on trust in order and (social) hierarchy. Staff and personnel live in towns nearby, often escorted by police escorts (Mirza, 2014). The locations are key for personnel’s needs, as opposed to the needs of the camp residents. The workers have much higher standards of living with more space, running water, electricity, and better toilets (Mirza, 2014). They also establish the professional’s legitimacy, which is shrouded as a philanthropic desire to help and protect (Carlson, 2015). The hierarchy evolves further internally as the residents who are able to leave, relocate for education, or employment which favour the young, educated, able-bodied males over women, elderly, and people with disabilities (Mirza, 2014).
When refugees get the chance to resettle in countries such as Canada, it can be because the UNHCR deems them in need of additional safety and protection. Factors which can be involved with the vetting process include education levels, professional training, language skills, as well as physical or mental disorders which would affect the public health and tax services in the new country (Mirza, 2014). In order to come to Canada or other nations of the Global North, refugees will first need to live and adhere to confinement in the Global South (Mirza, 2014). These camps prepare participants to live with captivity, as their new country’s arrival can be met with detention centres. These centres have become a way to contain asylum seekers, until they are “worthy” of entry, or sent back. (Mirza, 2014). The antiblack racism which runs across the psychiatry and criminal justice system normalizing violence shows up as black migrants are more likely to end up in detention than their non-black counterparts, as they are more often stopped, searched, and questioned by police (Tam, 2017).
The Toronto Immigration Holding Centre boasts accommodations for 195 people (including children) with a gym, multi-faith prayer room, library and menu meals. This structure is part of the processing for the Canadian Border Services Agency’s plan to “remove 20,000 inadmissible foreigners each year from 2025 until 2027”. As of December 2024, 485,395 “foreigners” were on a removal inventory (Hassan, 2025). Reasons for detention include immigration violations, criminal convictions, and especially lack of proper documents (Hassan, 2025). Although there is perceived justification for all the segregation with the concept of helping and protection- ableism and racism are at the heart of this endeavor, as there is risk of being stripped of their identity, rights, and humanity (Carlson, 2015). People who are in desperate situations shouldn’t be held as criminals due to the lack of proper documentation. The Refugee Board of Canada will meet with a detained individual after 48 hours to see if they will keep or release the person, or if they will have monthly meetings until it is settled, with an average of 15 days (Hassan, 2025).
While speaking to an Afghan refugee at an event recently, she shared that she fled through three countries, smuggled by “professionals”, as she carried her son on her back, wading through waters and mountains- without any documents- during the Taliban takeover. Other refugees shared their stories of losing family members, being forced out of school, and various perilous journeys to Canada. Although they were able to register with the UNHCR, they existed as undocumented refugees for a long time (Refugee Gala, Nov. 29).
What is the most worrying is if someone enters detention with severe mental illnesses, such as the Somali Refugee, Abshir, whose bipolar episode led to his death (Tam, 2017). His agitation from existing in custody for 3 years, could clinically present as hostility, poor impulse control, uncooperative, violent or disruptive behaviour. It would be understandable that a person fleeing extreme poverty, war, and genocide could have mental illnesses, while the institutional actions to “sedate” a person, could lead to in-custody death (Tam, 2017).
My recent interactions with the young Sudanese-Eritrean man started as a colleague and I were giving him a flyer as he sat on the ground, trying to get up, very confused. He stumbled, crying, with his mouth covered in blood. We offered to call a street nurse, or walk him to a hospital, but he declined. We stayed with him until his thinking became clear. He told us that he was staying at the Covenant House, and during our walk there, shared that he was prone to seizures. He calmed, still shaking and crying from the confusion, and said he had been in Canada for a couple of years. When we arrived, the guard and staff recognized him and abruptly took him inside. He cried harder when we were leaving. I emailed the manager the following day, sharing our concern for his health.
Black migrants are more likely to be indefinitely detained, or deported. The extreme distress of detention has led to twenty immigrants dying in detention between 2000 and 2017 (Tam, 2017). In March of 2025, the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities urged Canada to end detention and protect the legal rights of people with disabilities, as they are more likely to be placed in solitary confinement for a mental health crisis. The process that currently exists has created life-altering and life-endangering systems (Muscati, 2025). Canada has a responsibility to treat refugees with human rights and dignity. It is necessary to abolish Federal policing over detention, and finance community-based supports such as healthcare, mental health services, legal representation, and of course, housing (Muscati, 2025).
Disabled Refugees and the Neoliberal Agenda
Neoliberalism has an ability to shape the way that a society prioritizes who is able to receive support, and who is left behind, especially during war times. Often, women are the default left to care for people living with disabilities. When militia arrive and it is time to flee, families make the difficult decision to leave behind persons with disabilities. They end up treated as less capable or less deserving of protection. The harsh realities of war highlight the intersections of inequality (Salah, 2025), and the ableism of surviving. There is a process and ability to sponsor a refugee disabled through the Joint Assistance Sponsorship (JAS), since Canada has committed to the United Nations to accept at least 50 per year, although there is no mention if there are limitations to Severely Cognitively Disabled Persons. It was only recently that Canada ended their policy to bar refugees attempting to resettle who would be an “excessive demand or cost for Canada” (Mirza, 2014).
Conclusion
Canada’s government is complacent in the violence against persons with disabilities while they are living in refugee camps, institutionalized as survivors, and face the continual violence of the neoliberal agenda. Citizens will need to resist the urge to believe and trust that solutions will come from the “top-down”. If we are to transform the global landscape, it will need to begin from the grassroots level of resisting wars, militarism, and imperial violence by advocating for peace and community-based safety against the military-industrial complex. To become agents of change in the Disability Justice movements, we need to call for the abolishment of policing, and reinvest in social services while returning to Indigenous models of justice. (Pitters, 2022)
Bibliography
-Kett, M., & Trani, J. (2010). Vulnerability and disability in Darfur. Forced Migration Review, (35), 12-14. https://ezproxy.lib.torontomu.ca/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/vulnerability-disability-darfur/docview/650392697/se-2
-The Persons with Disability National Act, 2017, Sudan
-Salah, A. (2025, January 9). Overcoming barriers: Disability rights in Sudan. Andariya. https://andariya.com/post/overcoming-barriers-disability-rights-in-sudan-1
-Pitters, D. (2022, Sep). Disability and war. Briarpatch, 51, 8-11. https://ezproxy.lib.torontomu.ca/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/magazines/disability-war/docview/2706460102/se-2
-Muscati, S. (2025, March 27). UN committee criticizes Canada’s immigration detention practices. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/03/27/un-committee-criticizes-canadas-immigration-detention-practices
-Hassan, S. (2025, March 25). An inside look at Canada’s largest immigration holding centre. Global News. https://globalnews.ca/news/11097184/canada-immigration-dentention/
-Mirza, M. (2014). Refugee camps, asylum detention, and the geopolitics of transnational migration. In L. Ben-Moshe, C. Chapman, & A. Carey (Eds.), Disability incarcerated: Imprisonment and disability in the United States and Canada. Palgrave Macmillan.
-Human Rights Watch. (2003). Sudan, oil, and human rights. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2003/11/24/sudan-oil-and-human-rights
–30+ People With Disabilities Detained Amid Sudan War. (2024). AllAfrica.Com https://ezproxy.lib.torontomu.ca/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/wire-feeds/30-people-with-disabilities-detained-amid-sudan/docview/3142068968/se-2
-Tam, L. (2017). Agitation and sudden death: Containing Black detainee affect. American Quarterly, 69(2), 339–345. https://doi.org/10.1353/aq.2017.0030
-Government of Canada. (2025). Travel advice and advisories for Sudan. Government of Canada. https://travel.gc.ca/destinations/sudan
-Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. (2019). Government-assisted refugee program (GAR) [PDF]. Government of Canada. https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/ircc/migration/ircc/english/pdf/pub/gar_en.pdf
-Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. (2025). Conflict in Sudan: Measures for Sudanese nationals in Canada. Government of Canada. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/services/sudan2023/sudanese-nationals-canada.html
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